Sunday, February 1, 2026

February 2026: My Three Articles on AA Topics

 Recently, I've generated three articles on AA topics, and I provide links here.

Short Link   tinyurl  bq aa articles

tinyurl.com/bqaaarticles


#1

"Now I Understand AA"   (Agnostic View at 35 Years Sober)

This was published on December 21, 2025, at AA AGNOSTICA, which publishes a weekly sobriety essay.

https://aaagnostica.org/now-i-understand-aa-thoughts-of-an-agnostic-at-year-35/


#2

AA - A Viewpoint from an "AI" MBA Professor

An imaginary AI MBA professor discusses AA.

https://lasideposts.blogspot.com/2026/02/aa-viewpoint-of-imaginary-ai-mba.html

#3

AA - Pulls Together One Speaker's Ten AA Talks as One Story

I ask AA to read about 10 one-hour talks by the late AA speaker Clancy I., and generate one article discussing his viewpoints on AA.  (The talks were all on YouTube).

https://lasideposts.blogspot.com/2026/02/aa-ai-brings-together-ten-talks-by-one.html


AA - "AI" Brings Together Ten Talks by One Speaker

 

Clancy Imislund - An AA Composition by Chat GPT 5



Obit from August 2020:
https://lamag.com/rip/clancy-imislund-midnight-mission/

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Essay by Chat GPT 5.2 based on a dozen talks on YouTube.

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Below is a composite interpretive essay, written as if for an informed but new reader—someone who may know AA only vaguely, or who has heard Clancy’s name but not absorbed the internal logic of his work. I’ve stayed close to the spoken record of his talks, treating them as a coherent body of thought rather than isolated performances.


Clancy Imislund:
A Life, and a Way of Thinking About Recovery

Anyone encountering Clancy Imislund for the first time—through transcripts, recordings, or reputation—quickly notices something paradoxical. No matter the announced topic—sponsorshipthe First Stephome groupsservice, or even a banquet testimonial—Clancy almost invariably began the same way: with a long, unsparing, often hilarious drunkalog and recovery narrative. Forty-five minutes was not unusual. Sometimes longer.

This was not forgetfulness, self-indulgence, or stage habit. It was method.

To understand Clancy’s contribution to Alcoholics Anonymous, one must begin by taking seriously what he repeated, what he returned to, and what he conspicuously minimized. His talks form a remarkably consistent body of thought—less a doctrine than a practical anthropology of the alcoholic mind.


The Story Was the Point

Clancy’s life story, told and retold, had certain fixed contours. A gifted, restless Midwestern kid from a Norwegian Lutheran background. Early competence and early alienation. War service. Postwar success. Marriage, children, prestige jobs in advertising, opera direction, writing—followed, inevitably, by collapse. Jail cells. Firings. Geographic flight. Psychiatric hospitalization. Electric shock therapy. Skid Row. Suicide attempts. And finally, AA—not as sudden salvation, but as a grinding, humiliating, years-long process of partial failures that eventually cohered.

He told this story not because it was dramatic (though it was), but because it enacted his central conviction: identification precedes instruction.

Clancy believed—repeatedly and explicitly—that alcoholics are not convinced by principles, steps, slogans, or theology. They are convinced only when they hear their internal experience articulated accurately by someone else. Until that happens, advice is just noise.

As he put it more than once: “If you can find someone you believe knows how you feel, that advice becomes meaningful information.”

The drunkalog was how he demonstrated that knowing.

The Problem Was Not Alcohol

Across decades of talks, Clancy returned obsessively to a single corrective: alcohol is not the problem.

This was not a metaphor. He meant it literally. If alcohol were the problem, detox would be the cure. Hospitals would be permanent solutions. Jails would work. The toilet bowl would be a spiritual retreat.

Instead, Clancy insisted that alcohol was a solution—a fast, chemical solution to a deeper perceptual disorder. What alcohol did for him was not intoxication, but relief. It altered his relationship to reality. It shrank the world to a manageable size. It made him feel “right,” or at least less wrong.

The tragedy, as he described it, was not that alcohol destroyed his life, but that each attempt at sobriety eventually became intolerable.

This insight sits at the center of his thinking. He drew a sharp distinction between having an alcohol problem and suffering from alcoholism. In the former, stopping drinking solves the issue. In the latter, stopping drinking removes the only thing that ever worked—leaving the person exposed to anxiety, irritability, self-loathing, and distorted perception at full strength.

This is why, in Clancy’s account, the most dangerous period was not active drinking, but early sobriety. This was when suicide became likely—not dramatic, drunk, demonstrative suicide, but quiet, efficient, sober despair.

Perception, Not Morality

One of Clancy’s most original and enduring themes was that alcoholism is fundamentally a disorder of perception.

He returned again and again to the idea that the alcoholic compares his insides to other people’s outsides. He experiences his own emotions as raw, unfiltered, and intolerably intense, while assuming that everyone else moves through the world with ease and confidence. The conclusion is inevitable: I am different. I am defective. I am not built for this.

Alcohol temporarily corrects this misalignment. It does not fix reality, but it fixes perception—until it stops working, and then makes everything worse.

From this perspective, the function of AA was not to make people virtuous, happy, or even particularly serene. Its function was far more modest and far more radical: to very slowly do what alcohol did quickly—to alter perception just enough that reality becomes livable.

This framing explains Clancy’s deep suspicion of moralism, emotional excess, and grand spiritual claims. He was not interested in sainthood. He was interested in tolerability.

Theological Minimalism

Although Clancy spoke fluently about AA’s history and quoted the Big Book extensively, he mentioned God remarkably little. When he did, it was often with irony, distance, or pragmatic reframing.

This places him in an informal lineage with speakers like Chuck ChamberlainFather Terry, and Dr. Paul O—all Californians, by the way — figures whose influence rested less on theology than on psychological accuracy.

Clancy did not deny God. He simply refused to foreground God as an explanatory mechanism. He had seen too many alcoholics fail while earnestly trying to believe correctly. Faith, in his view, was an outcome, not a prerequisite.

Instead, he emphasized actions: meetings, sponsorship, structure, repetition, service, and—above all—endurance. If belief arrived, fine. If not, keep rowing.

Sponsorship as Applied Anthropology

Clancy’s approach to sponsorship was famously demanding, but its logic was consistent with his broader view. The sponsor’s job was not to console, analyze, or inspire. It was to interrupt distorted thinking long enough for the sponsee to stay alive and sober.

He distrusted insight without action, therapy without accountability, and warmth without structure. At the same time, he was deeply compassionate toward suffering—especially the kind that cannot be articulated without sounding petty, ungrateful, or insane.

What made his sponsorship effective was not authority, but credibility. He had been there. He had failed there. He had thought those thoughts and felt those feelings. When he corrected someone, it landed not as judgment but as recognition.

Why He Was Remembered

Clancy Imislund’s influence did not rest on originality of doctrine or elegance of speech. It rested on accuracy. People recognized themselves in him—often unwillingly, often laughing, often uncomfortably.

He made people feel less uniquely broken. He offered no utopia, no permanent cure, no ecstatic solution. What he offered was something rarer: a way to live in the world without needing to escape it.

That is why his talks, however meandering they appeared, always returned to the same story. The story was actually meant as a map. The repetition was the point. The endurance was the message.

And that, ultimately, was his quiet, stubborn faith: not in theology, not in personalities, but in a set of actions that—repeated long enough—could change how reality feels.

Slowly. Imperfectly. One day at a time.

AA - Viewpoint of an Imaginary "AI" MBA Professor

 

Alcoholics Anonymous, 1937–1957:
A Management Case in Disguise



[AI Chat GPT 5.2]

When we look at the first twenty years of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), we are watching something that resembles a startup, a social movement, and a constitutional convention all at once. In 1937, AA was not yet an “organization” in any formal sense. It consisted of two small clusters: a few dozen people in Akron, Ohio, centered around Dr. Bob Smith and meetings in homes and churches, and another few dozen in New York City, revolving around Bill Wilson’s home. There were no offices, no paid staff, no national plan — only alcoholics trying to stay sober by helping other alcoholics.

In this earliest phase, AA was highly dependent on charismatic founders, a classic feature of fragile young enterprises. Bill Wilson provided vision, language, and the ability to communicate a system; Dr. Bob provided steadiness, local credibility, and medical respectability. The “product” was not yet clearly defined. What existed was a shared discovery: sobriety seemed to be maintained through mutual aid, spiritual reorientation, and service to others, rather than through medical treatment or institutional control. At this stage, AA could easily have disappeared, as many early members relapsed or died. There was nothing inevitable about its survival.


The first great act of scaling came with the publication of the book Alcoholics Anonymous in 1939. From an organizational perspective, this was transformative. The book — later known simply as “the Big Book” — turned a loosely shared experience into a portable, codified method. The Twelve Steps were laid out in a consistent form, personal stories illustrated the approach, and the model could now travel without the founders being present. AA shifted from a founder-dependent craft model to a replicable system. This is the moment AA began to behave less like a small circle and more like a scalable platform.

During the 1940s, growth accelerated in a way that is unusual even by modern standards. AA spread through word of mouth, personal contacts, and favorable media attention — especially a widely read 1941 Saturday Evening Post article. New groups formed across the United States and then abroad, often started by a single sober member moving to a new town. Importantly, this expansion occurred with almost no central control. AA was not franchising, licensing, or directing new groups in a managerial sense. Instead, the method and culture diffused socially.

Success, however, introduced existential dangers. As AA grew, it faced the kinds of risks that destroy many movements:

Emerging RiskWhy It Threatened AA’s Survival
Personality-driven leadershipGroups could become dependent on strong local figures rather than principles
Financial opportunityPressure to charge fees, sell cures, or commercialize sobriety
Religious captureRisk of becoming a sect or arm of a church
Medical controlRisk of being absorbed into hospital or psychiatric systems
Public scandalMisconduct by members could damage credibility

By the late 1940s, AA confronted a fundamental question: how could it grow without being captured by money, authority, or ideology? The answer was one of the most significant governance innovations in the history of voluntary organizations — the Twelve Traditions, formally adopted in 1950. These Traditions functioned as a kind of organizational constitution. They emphasized group autonomy, self-support, nonprofessionalism, avoidance of outside endorsements, and personal anonymity in public life. In effect, AA deliberately designed itself to resist the normal consolidating forces of power and hierarchy.

By 1957, AA had evolved into a mature national organization with thousands of groups, a General Service structure, a headquarters in New York, and a widely shared culture and history. Yet it remained strikingly non-bureaucratic. It had achieved what many institutions fail to do: it moved from a charismatic movement to a stable system without building a conventional command hierarchy.

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Switching to our MBA hats, we now assess AA's history via the MBA method known as "Porter's Five Sources."  Porter was a Harvard MBA professor, and the Five Forces were meant to be a universal framework, applicable to Ford Motors, Apple, or a dry cleaners. 

The five are (1) New Entrants, (2) Supplier Power, (3) Customer Power, (4) Substitutes, and (5) Direct Competitors (Rivalry).   For example, for a bakery, new bakeries (Entrants) can open fairly easily.  Suppliers of flour and sugar may raise prices.  Customers can easily shift to a new cafe.  Substitutes might be IHOP, grocery store packaged baked goods, or baking at home.  Rivalry between nearby bakeries could be intense.

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AA Through the Lens of the Five Forces

In the “industry” of alcohol recovery, the threat of new entrants has always been high. Anyone can start a support group, a treatment model, or a recovery philosophy. Over time, alternatives have included therapeutic communities, religious programs, professional counseling, medication-based treatments, and secular peer groups. AA’s survival despite this open field rests less on barriers to entry and more on brand identity, a clearly defined method, and a vast network of local meetings that make participation easy.

The power of suppliers in AA’s case is unusually low. The “inputs” AA depends on — members’ time, meeting spaces, and literature — are largely provided internally or donated. Members are both the beneficiaries and the labor force. Because AA does not rely on salaried professionals or major external funding, no single supplier group can exert strong leverage over the organization.

The power of “buyers,” or members, is high in theory because participation is entirely voluntary. Anyone can leave at any time. Yet in practice this power is moderated by two factors: the severity of addiction limits alternatives, and the structure of AA encourages members to become helpers, not just recipients. People stay not because they are bound by contract, but because they are woven into a network where their presence matters.

The threat of substitutes is also high. People can pursue recovery through medical treatment, therapy, religion, self-help literature, or attempts at self-control. AA’s distinctive position lies in offering a free, continuous, identity-based community that does not end when a program or insurance coverage does. It is not just an intervention; it is an ongoing social world.

Finally, rivalry among competitors is remarkably low — largely because AA refuses to compete in the usual sense. The Traditions discourage endorsement, criticism, and public comparison with other approaches. AA does not try to defeat alternatives; it coexists with them. This reduces direct rivalry and allows AA to occupy a stable niche.


Strategic Strengths and Structural Liabilities

AA’s long-term strength rests on several structural features: an extremely low cost structure, powerful network effects as more meetings make access easier, a deep shared culture and narrative, and governance rules that prevent concentration of power. These create resilience without formal control.

At the same time, these same features create limitations. AA’s reliance on volunteers means uneven quality of guidance. Its resistance to professionalization can slow adaptation to scientific developments. Its spiritual language is not accessible to everyone. And its decentralized nature makes systematic outcome tracking difficult. AA chose moral and cultural legitimacy over managerial precision.


Conclusion

Between 1937 and 1957, Alcoholics Anonymous accomplished something rare in organizational history. It scaled nationally while deliberately limiting its own ability to accumulate money, authority, and centralized power. Through the Big Book and the Traditions, it created a portable method and a constitutional culture. From a strategic perspective, AA resembles an open-source social system with a powerful brand and decentralized governance. That combination explains how a movement that began in two living rooms became, within twenty years, a durable national institution.

  

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Prompt.  Take the role of a top notch business school professor. Discuss the history of the first 20 years of the organization Alcoholics Anonymous from about 1937 to 1957. In 1937, there were just a couple dozen members in New York City, centered around Bill Wilson’s house, and a few dozen members in Akron, Ohio, send it around Dr. Bob’s house and a church nearby. In 1957. It was a well established national organization with a well developed culture in history and active growth statistics. After discussing some of the key features and challenges of the first 20 years, assess the liability and success of Alcoholics Anonymous from the perspective of Michael Porter five forces, as taught at Harvard business school in case studies.

https://chatgpt.com/share/697c458a-6b30-8005-9627-7589500dacae

https://chatgpt.com/c/697c3f65-6af4-832c-9662-3637e46a1dd5